Media In Guatemala: From War To Censorship By Alfonso Gumucio Dagron "We can't keep silent," reads a full-page ad in El Periódico, the most progressive of the three main national newspapers of Guatemala. The journal calls for demonstrations against corruption, the lack of public safety and people going unpunished for years of crimes. Starting March 26, people have been taking to the streets of Guatemala City every day to protest the government and the ruling party. A recent poll showed that over 90 percent of those interviewed want the whole leadership of Congress to resign. The president of the National Assembly is Efraín Ríos Montt, former army general and dictator who is accused of massive killings of rural communities in the early 1980s. Things have changed in Guatemala since the 1996 Peace Accords, but how much have they really changed? During 36 years of war between the military and leftist guerrillas, around 150,000 people were killed and near 50,000 "disappeared" (the military can be impressive magicians). Most of the 200,000 victims were poor Maya Indians. Under General Ríos Montt, the strategy of "tierra arrasada" (devastated land) was implemented almost scientifically by the army. It consisted in wiping out the rural communities that were suspected of supporting the guerrillas. Women, elders and children were treated equally with torture and death. Villages were burned to the ground, and only those survived who fled to Mexico or climbed high into the mountains where the army couldn't reach them. International pressure led to the signature of the Peace Accords in December, 1996. The democratization process gained strength, and under the supervision of the United Nations, the country has since corrected many of the distortions created by the military and some of its civilian allies. Nonetheless, common crime and politically motivated violence, kidnappings and attacks are very much present, and justice is nearly nonexistent. Not one army officer has been condemned for the crimes against humanity committed during the war. Almost every week intimidated lawyers, attorneys, witnesses and union leaders leave the country for political asylum in the United States or Europe. Threats against freedom of expression are directly related to this political context. Fear is still very much around, censorship is alive and well, and the media in Guatemala are still subject to threats and manipulation. Freedom of expression may not be graciously granted by this government or the next; Guatemalan society will have to gradually change from a feudal mentality to one that practices dialogue and debate. Part One:  Print And Run Part Two:  Radio Days Part Three:  Short-Sighted Television

Part One:  Print And Run Print media is without doubt the most democratic media in Guatemala —but only in comparison to radio and television. Although it is true that a diversity of political and ideological opinion can now be printed in the editorial pages of the three main national newspapers, Prensa Libre, Siglo XXI and El Periódico, it is no less true that journalists are continuously subject to threats and censorship. "Filóchofo" can say much about that. This is the impossible-to-translate nickname (its origin is the word "philosopher") of José Manuel Chacón, the best and most popular political cartoonist of Guatemala. His cartoons were until recently featured on the editorial pages of Siglo XXI, which is the furthest to the right of the three newspapers. Struggling to capture some of the market, thousands of complimentary copies of Siglo XXI are distributed in residential zones of the capital city. The journal represents the voice of powerful economic interests of the private sector of Guatemala and Central America. Corporación de Noticias S.A., an important media conglomerate from Costa Rica, recently bought it. One of the main changes was the dismissal of Filóchofo. The cartoonist had too many enemies. He used to portray General Riós Montt, president of the National Assembly and former army general and dictator, who is accused of massive killings in rural communities in the early 1980s, as a vampire (he still does on his Web site: http://www.filo.lasede.org/). One of his cartoons reads: "Do we have a victorious army? Out of 24 corpses found at the recently discovered mass grave, 10 were children, 11 were women and 2 elder people. What is so victorious about it?" He often drew the newly elected President Alfonso Portillo as Pinocchio, with a long nose signaling the contradiction between what he offered during his presidential campaign and what he really does in power. Many of his cartoons address issues such as human rights, the environment, child rights, extreme poverty and political hypocrisy. More than any other cartoonist, Filóchofo was always vigilant regarding the application of the Peace Accords of 1996. Several other journalists have been silenced during the past two or three years. An important example of censorship and attack in the print media is Crónica, a leading weekly magazine that managed to survive several years in spite of organized government and private-sector sabotage through the suspension of all advertisement to the magazine. Crónica contributed to freedom of expression during the last years of the past decade until it was "bought" by a group of private investors politically close to former President Alvaro Arz. The director of Crónica, Haroldo Shetemul, and the team of journalists that worked with him were immediately sacked and had to fight for months to get their benefits. The magazine has lost readership since then. By the end of March, 2001, El Periódico and Prensa Libre denounced the threats and pressures that were taking place almost every day. Some of its journalists were physically attacked, others were followed, and many received threatening phone calls. Human rights organizations protested, accusing the government of being behind this, and the Human Rights General Attorney called for an investigation. Amnesty International, the Committee to Protect Journalists and other international organizations were briefed about the situation, and during the last congress in Fortaleza, Brazil, even the Interamerican Press Society (IPS) — a group of media owners rather than journalists — demanded from the Guatemalan government "a clear and firm respect of the freedom of expression and press" as well as sanctions for government officials "who do not respect the constitutional guarantees" of media. This was a clear hint toward Luis Rabbé, the Minister of Communication and Transportation, maybe the most questionable appointee in the government of Alfonso Portillo. In spite of the threats, print media in Guatemala remains the only trustworthy means of information. Prensa Libre is no doubt an important factor in the building of a democratic society in Guatemala. This daily, representing the interests of the progressive private sector, has been in the forefront of the struggle for freedom of expression and has opened its pages to the widest range of voices, printing more letters than the other dailies do. In a country where information has been censored for so long, people turn to writing letters as the only mean to express their frustration. Siglo XXI and El Periódico are likely to publish only one or two letters every day, while Prensa Libre usually prints eight to 10. But in the end, there is almost no independent media, except for Maya groups, cultural groups and NGOs that publish bulletins or magazines with little impact on society. Part One:  Print And Run Part Two:  Radio Days Part Three:  Short-Sighted Television   What's Your View? Speak Out in the MediaChannel Forum. AS THE MEDIA WATCH THE WORLD, WE WATCH THE MEDIA.