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Kingmakers, Campaigns And The Price Of Policy
The relationship between media and politics is the hidden disease of American electoral democracy. Media companies are among the highest donors to political campaigns, while rarely covering their own role in campaign financing. Advertising — money paid to media outlets — is the single highest campaign expense, while, as President Clinton has noted, the United States is the only "major democracy" that doesn't mandate free air time for political candidates and parties. Media industries make up some of the most powerful lobbying interests in the capitol, leveraging their power as opinion-shapers and successfully advocating for legislation they barely report to the public. Meanwhile, the press and politicians go on blaming each other for voter disaffection.
MediaChannel affiliates explore the interwoven relationships between powerful media industries and the politicians.
— Aliza Dichter (liza@mediachannel.org), editor.
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You Get What You Pay For
Between January 1995 and June 1998, media companies (not including telecoms) gave over $30.9 million to U.S. federal candidates and party committees, reports Sheila Kaplan. And they seem to have gotten their money's worth: "From the government giveaway of up to $70 billion worth of broadcast-spectrum space, to protection of lucrative tobacco ads in newspapers and magazines, to fending off competition for ad dollars from the postal service's foray into direct mail, to dodging free airtime for political candidates, to avoiding taxes on Internet services, the media lobbies have enjoyed enviable success." From Columbia Journalism Review, September 1 1998
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Unwritten Rules
Since 1996, the U.S. media have given plenty of air to campaign-finance scandals, while conveniently avoiding the biggest one — their own. Of television, FAIR founder Jeff Cohen says, "While many industries benefit from the current corrupt system of campaign finance, no other industry benefits more directly." He sees the lack of hard-hitting reporting on the media's political role as a clear case of journalists' self-censorship. From FAIR (Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting), May 4 1997
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Feeding The Hand That Bites
Campaign money and well-connected lobbyists aren't the only weapons in the political arsenal of big media. Says Media Beat columnist Norman Solomon: "Any politician with an eye on the presidency faces a stark choice: Go along to get along with basic corporate agendas, or face widespread disparagement in news media." From FAIR (Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting), June 24 1999
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The Ad Spin Cycle
Analysts estimate that federal and state candidates will spend $600 million on political commercials this year. According to Paul Taylor of the Alliance for Better Campaigns, that's just one turn a self-perpetuating cycle that is destroying our democracy. Expensive ad time means candidates must raise big money; big money donations and slick campaign ads create cynicism towards politics; and citizen disinterest means low ratings for political coverage, which is cut back, prompting candidates to buy more TV ads. From Mother Jones online, May 1 2000
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Five Minute Democracy
As the leader of the 1997-98 "Advisory Committee on Public-Interest Obligations of Digital Television Broadcasters" — a.k.a. the Gore Commission — Vice President Al Gore was an outspoken supporter of free air time for political candidates. But the commission's recommendation — five minutes of candidate-centered coverage each night for 30 days before the election — got scant news coverage and little welcome from broadcasters. As president, Gore would have the opportunity to push harder for such reforms. But will he be willing to take on the broadcasting-lobby powerhouse? From The American Prospect, June 5 2000
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ACTION TOOLKIT: Demand Substance
CBS President Leslie Moonves was co-chair of the Gore Commission, which recommended broadcasters provide five nightly minutes of candidates discussing issues, yet his own network has ignored that proposal. With sample letters, phone scripts, press releases and op-eds, as well as contact information, background resources and a clear, six-step plan, the Alliance for Better Campaigns gives you the tools to demand more from CBS and help "reinvent politics on TV." From Alliance for Better Campaigns
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Radio Power
In 1981 the Federal Communications Commission removed most public-interest requirements for radio stations and then awarded hundreds of new licenses, under the premise that competition would insure diversity and quality in the radio marketplace. But after the 1996 Telecommunications Act, diversity all but disappeared, as stations merged into larger and larger national conglomerates. Former FCC Chairman Reed Hundt and FCC Chief of Staff Blair Levin are concerned that the Commission has abandoned its oversight of public-interest radio — and wonder whether future policy-makers will be willing to return to its defense. From Brill's Content, September 1 1998
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AS THE MEDIA WATCH THE WORLD, WE WATCH THE
MEDIA.
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